The Empire of The City

At the end of World War I, the writer, then 27 years old, was released from the U.S. Army as a second lieutenant of the Coast Artillery Corps.  Like many more servicemen, he was filled with resentment as the deluge of utterly obvious and brazen falsehood, by which participation in that war had been forced upon the American people, was exposed, and became more evident day by day after the war was won.

That the reasons advanced to the American people for their entry into World War I were largely fraudulent became common and accepted knowledge, and over 25 years after the end of that war the eminent American historians, Charles A. and Mary R. Beard, stated in their "Basic History" (page 442) that "the gleaming mirage that pictured the World War as purely or even mainly a war for democracy and civilization dissolved beyond recognition ...;"  and the well-known Internationalist publicist, Walter Lippmann, stated in his "U.S. Foreign Policy" (page 24) in effect that the real reasons for going to war in 1917 have never been admitted.

Many people realize that this mystifying situation, in which an alleged democratic and self-governing nation is actually controlled against the will of the people in its foreign affairs, is a clear indication that there must be a very powerful and well-financed secret organization which plans and directs American foreign affairs, and for lack of a more specific identification this suspected secret organization is popularly referred to as the International Financiers.

When the propaganda mills began their characteristic grind towards war in the early 1930s, the writer began a more definite study of international power politics, and soon found it an entrancing and revealing subject.  There was, however, no more free speech;  and the most amazing documented aspects of a vast secret world order of International Finance could find no hearing in a situation where some Congressmen denounced overwhelming Nationalist expression of views in their mail as mere organized subversion.

The shelves of our public libraries hold thousands of books pertaining to some aspect of this vast subject; most of them dry as duet to the average reader and remaining unread by the public through the years.  Most of these scholarly works are devoted to some passing phase of power politics in some part of the world, of which their author has made a specialized study, and have invariably been forgotten as the public has lost interest in that particular incident.

In running through these works some amazing nuggets of information come to light here and there, which fitted together gradually unfold the stunning history and the legal structure of a sovereign world state located in the financial district of the loosely knit aggregation of boroughs and cities popularly known as the city of London.  The colossal political and financial organization centered in this area, known as "The City," operates as a super-government of the world;  and no incident occurs in any part of the world without its participation in some form.

Its pretentious are supported in the United States by the secret International Pilgrim Society, sponsor of the Cecil Rhodes "One World" ideology which was launched about 1897.  The president of its American branch is Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, who is also president of the allied Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.  The ultimate objective of this camarilla was defined by one of its noted propagandists, the late William Allen White, as: "It is the destiny of the pure Aryan Anglo-Saxon race to dominate the world and kill off or else reduce to a servile status all other inferior races."

After reducing the vast mass of data forming the basis of this work into a logical and readable sequence, it was finally put into print and privately published after long delay, and copyright was granted May 22, 1944.  About 200 copies were sent to various members of Congress, thus largely performing the purpose of the first edition.  Several members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee accorded some attention to this.

Senator Henrik Shipstead of Minnesota wrote August 12, 1944:  "The document containing the result of your research was so interesting that it spoiled most of my sleep that night ... I have been doing some research along the same lines and I find my time in that respect is limited.  You have done a great deal of work that will save me a great deal of time."  On August 21, 1944, he wrote:  "People ought to be induced to read it.  It is a documented piece of work and therefore should command respect and arouse interest."

This work apparently appeals most strongly to men of professional standing, and to people of the elder generations, and a number of lawyers, doctors, clergymen, architects and engineers of the writer's acquaintance have expressed their great interest and apparently general commendation.  Publishers approached have been reluctant to undertake it, and several stated that there would be little demand for a serious work of this kind, as the American public is not interested in that kind of reading matter.  One large Eastern publisher frankly wrote he was obliged to disregard the recommendations of his readers on advice of counsel.

Chapters I and XI, and the Conclusion, are new additions to the second edition of "The Empire of 'The City'."  Chapter XI, "A Study in Power," was published separately and copyrighted February 22, 1945.

In 1912, the noted internationalist, Homer Lea, in a scientific study of basic elements of world politics, forecast as imminent and inevitable a series of gigantic world conflicts, of which World War I, World War II, and a now almost certain and nearby World War III, form a part.

Mr. Lea's great work, "The Day of The Saxon," was first published in 1912 in very limited edition, and was republished in 1942 by Harper & Brothers.  It can be said to form a major book of the Internationalist "Bible," and is one of the very few works on Internationalism that treats this usually deliberately distorted subject with scholarly candor, being particularly designed for the enlightenment of the elect.  The following paragraphs are selected from Chapter II of this book:

"The character of the British Dominion is different from any of the great empires that have preceded it.  It not only consists of one-fourth of the land surface, but the suzerainty of the Five Seas.... That British rule should, in various degrees of sovereignty exercise its dominion over seventeen-twentieths of the world's surface is significant of just that degree of repression towards all other nations, their rights and expansion by land or by sea.

"Peace and its duration, like war, is determined by natural laws that in their fundamental principles do not vary nor are found wanting.

"In conformity to these laws we find that, the future peace of the Empire stands in decreasing ratio and must so continue until it is either destroyed or reaches a point of world dominance.

"There can be no retention of present British sovereignty without the repression of the territorial and political expansion of other nations--a condition that must culminate in war, one war if the Empire is destroyed;  a series if it is victorious.

"In this epoch of war upon which the Empire is about to enter, hopes of peace are futile;  constitutions and kings and gods are without avail, for these are the old, old struggles that govern the growth and dissolution of national life."

This was written before the outbreak of World War I and should in the light of world events since then be very impressive.  Mr. Lea states further in Chapter X:  "For England to preserve to herself the balance of power in Europe, it is necessary to limit the political and territorial expansion of any European state."

On page 13 of the first edition of "The Empire of 'The City' ", privately published and copyrighted 1¼ years before V-E Day, the writer predicted the coming war with Russia on the basis of the well-defined and unmistakable thread of continuity and the plainly evident pattern of the machinations of the Balance of Power by the secret British "One World" order over the past century.

The grand plan of the "One World" Order decrees that it is necessary to limit the political and territorial expansion of Russia PROMPTLY AND PEREMPTORILY.  Otherwise the victory over Germany will be of no avail, will in fact substitute a far more dangerous and potent challenge to British sovereignty.

It was further predicted that Turkey will resume her traditional position as the spearhead in the renewal of the timeless and savage British-Russian struggle for domination, briefly interrupted since 1912 to eliminate the newly arisen German Empire and its threat to the victor.  It seems likely that the coming conflict will find Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia, Bohemia, Poland, Romania, Hungary, Austria, Servia, Greece, Turkey and Persia allied with the alleged forces of freedom.

Geopolitics, the study of the struggle for space and power, forms a well-developed science with an extensive bibliography, which conclusively impeaches the superficial fabrication, with which the American people in particular have been implanted with consummate cunning, that the great World Wars are caused by brutal attacks upon world law and order, instead of being the fully anticipated consequences of the most diabolical double dealing and planning by the secret "One World" order of "The City."

The probability of war with Russia, now highly evident and the subject of wide comment, was variously indicated and denounced as vicious and subversive propaganda at the time the 1st edition of this book went into print.  As is usual, the real reasons for this very probable and nearby war are easily kept submerged because the truculence, insolence and contempt with which Russia has forestalled and checkmated the "One World" designs, with which she has had an intimate acquaintance over 130 years, fits perfectly into the sham posture of bruised democracy and violated decency.

In Chapter III of "The Prince," his great classic on the science of power, Machiavelli warns:  "... the distempers of a State being discovered while yet inchoate (in their early stages), which can only be done by a sagacious ruler, may easily be dealt with;  but when, from not being observed, they are suffered to grow until they are obvious to every one, there is no longer any remedy."

Is there perhaps yet time for the Congress, ruler in this sense of the United States, to acquire the sagacity and the courage to deal with this menace of war with Russia ?  Is it in the public interest to expose the grand plan of the "One World" camarilla at a time when they are so near to final achievement of this plan that they need to sacrifice perhaps only ten to twenty million more lives in addition to the over one hundred million lives already sacrificed;  to realize the great dream of their founder, Cecil Rhodes;  a dream of a world ruled by a benevolent despotic intelligentsia, and so to create "peace for all eternity"?

The answer appears in the creed of America as defined by Thomas Jefferson "here we are not afraid to follow truth wherever it may lead, nor to tolerate any error so long as reason is left free to combat it." [To William Roscoe, December 27, 1820.]

How has it been possible to erect this Internationalistic structure of misrepresentation and deception in our midst and to protect it from exposure for nearly a half-century ?  Why have not our professors of history, our college presidents and educators, or our crusading newspapers exposed this monstrosity ?

Some of the reasons are developed in the following chapters in documented detail.  But there are also some evident and very practical reasons.  Our newspapers are absolutely dependent for their existence on the advertising of great business interests, and perhaps the principle function of college presidents is to collect the funds upon which the existence of their institution depends, to be on the right terms with the right people.

News that definitely points to the existence of the secret world super-government of "The City" is treated with dense silence.  The current activities of what has been identified as the most powerful international society on earth, the "Pilgrims," are so wrapped in silence that few Americans know even of its existence since 1903.  As a glaring example let us consider the cross-examination of Henry Morgenthau, Jr. as to the contacts of his father with the peculiar activities of the mysterious and secret British statesman Viscount Reginald Esher by Senator Gerald Nye in a Senate hearing on January 28, 1940.  Apparently not one newspaper in the United States gave one inch of space to this immensely sensational exposure, while Senator Nye, like many other statesmen who have ventured too far into forbidden realms, has been effectively submerged.

As appears hereinafter, the late President David Jordan of Stanford University did much to expose the machinations of this International camarilla, with the result that he was subjected to indignity and persecution during the World War I period;  as was also the late Congressman Lindbergh of Minnesota, father of Colonel Charles Lindbergh.

As may be evident from the numerous quotations herein, many of the great teachers and professors of our universities have tried to throw some light into this situation with little success, for their works have been accorded little recognition, and as "controversial" matter have been treated with the contempt of silence.  One source estimates the average circulation of books of this type at little over seven thousand copies.

Contrast this with the massive million copy circulations of the highly acclaimed and widely publicized products of the proponents of Internationalism; with the complete domination of the radio by Internationalist propagandists;  with billion dollar funds out of the public treasury devoted to educating and informing the people; with the newspapers filled with matter supplied by foreign "information" services;  with opposition controlled so as to be based on such superficial and spurious reasons as to merely help hide and detract attention from the real reasons.

The Republican Party reached such a high status in the Coolidge Administration as the defender of Nationalism that Mr. Coolidge has been accused in some Internationalist circles of being directly responsible for the Inter nationalist recession which opened the way for the rebirth of Nationalism in the Totalitarian countries, among which Russia must be included.  However, this Republican Nationalism has declined steadily under the encroachment of the Internationalist Money Power, so that charges of manipulation and bribery were brought after the 1940 campaign; while the candidate of 1944 was the admitted pupil of a noted Internationalist and trustee of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.  The results of the 35 years of operation of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace speak for themselves.

A resolution by Senator Langer, Republican Senator from North Dakota, to investigate the charge of C. Nelson Sparkes in "One Man--Wendell Willkie" that Mr. T.J. Lamont, former president of J.P. Morgan & Co. and chairman of the executive committee of the Pilgrims had bought the votes of delegates to the Republican National Convention of 1940 with a "roomful of money," was effectively submerged without any adequate public explanation.

After this brief review of recent manifestations of the parasite of foreign finance which has intertwined itself into the vitals of the capitalistic system, and which like the "Old Man of the Sea," has seated itself on the shoulders of democracy to dominate its fate, we will now turn back the pages of time 130 years to trace the development and the machinations and the structure of this octopus of power in documented step by step historical detail, as revealed by eminent scholars and writers through the years.

The events of the past ten years have brought forth a great number of books treating some aspect of Geopolitics, defined by one writer as the struggle for space and power.  Among the hundreds of new works on this subject perhaps the most outstanding is "America's Strategy in World Politics," by Nicholas J. Spykman, Sterling Professor of International Relations, Yale University, published in 1942, and sponsored by The Yale Institute of International Studies.  Like most books on this subject, Prof. Spykman's excellent work is very profound and comprehensive, and cannot be readily grasped by anybody not already acquainted with the outline of modern history and of modern power politics.

The modern era of world history can definitely be assumed to have had its inception with the end of the Napoleonic War because many of the problems now affecting the nations of Europe and the world in general arose out of the reconstruction of the map of the world as a result of that war.  The virtual end of the Napoleonic War came with the crushing defeat of Napoleon at Leipsic in the gigantic "Battle of The Nations" in October, 1813, by the allied Russian, Austrian, Swedish and Prussian armies, followed by the abdication of Napoleon and his banishment to Elba in April, 1814.

Prof. Spykman describes the British policies in foreign affairs, which he alleges have earned her the designation of "Perfidious Albion," in his treatment of "Britain and the Balance of Power" (pages 103 to 107).  He develops the British policy as a constant succession of cycles of shift partners, isolation, alliance and war;  and the defeat of Napoleon marked the end of one of these cycles.  A tabulation of the modern wars of the world which follows immediately herein, and which assumes the Napoleonic War as modern cyclical war No. 1, would indicate the present war as cyclical war No. 7, and very possibly as cyclical war No. 1 of a new grand cycle.

In his "Conclusion" (pages 446-472), Prof. Spykman ventures the opinion that Britain cannot permit a complete German defeat as that would leave the European continent in the grip of Russia; and that she cannot permit a full Japanese defeat as that would leave Asia in the grip of an awakened and revitalized China.  He is further very doubtful of a complete world hegemony by some type of British-American union, and concludes that only Japan would be able to supply the missing weight.  Thus, strangely, Prof. Spykman would restore the overwhelming power of the alliance of the imperialistic expansion of 1897-1920, when Europe was in balance by the British alliance with France, Asia was in balance by the British alliance with Japan, and the world was in balance by the British alliance with the United States under the secret agreement of 1897.

One of the most forthright revelations, both of the secret agreement of 1897 and of the malignant disease which underlies modern civilization, and which threatens to tumble the world back into chaos and barbarism, was disclosed in a speech by Chauncey M. Depew, New York Senator and high political and financial power of his day, in seconding the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt for the Vice-Presidency of the United States at the Republican National Convention of 1900, when he stated in part:  "What is the tendency of the future ?  Why this war in South Africa ?  Why this hammering at the gates of Pekin ?  Why this marching of troops from Asia to Africa ?  Why these parades of people from other empires to other lands ?  It is because the surplus productions of the civilized countries of modern times are greater than civilization can consume.  It is because this overproduction goes back to stagnation and poverty.  The American people now produce two thousand million dollars' worth more than we can consume, and we have met the emergency;  and by the providence of God, by the statesmanship of William McKinley, and by the valor of Roosevelt and his associates, we have our market in the Philippines, and we stand in the presence of eight hundred millions of people, with the Pacific as an American lake ..."

In the following tabulation the modern cyclical wars of the British Empire in its unceasing struggle to maintain control of the dynamic and rapidly shifting balance of world power are numbered in order, while the intermediate cyclical or pivotal wars are indicated by the letter O, and the wars of imperialistic expansion by the letter X:

Cyclical wars and Imperialistic wars -- Major Powers allied with British Empire -- Major British opponents No.  1--Napoleonic War 1793-1815 -- England, Prussia, Sweden, Russia and Austria -- France. 2--Turkish War 1827-1829 -- England, France and Russia -- Turkey and Egypt. 3--Crimean War 1853-1856 -- England, France, Turkey and Sardinia -- Russia O--Civil War 1861-1865 -- England, France, Spain and Confederate States -- Russia, (Prussia) and United States O--Franco-Prussian 1870-1871 -- France, (England and Austro-Hungary) -- Germany, (Russia and Italy) 4--Russian-Turkish 1877-1878 -- Turkey, England, (France) and (Austro-Hungary) -- Russia and (Germany) X--Egyptian War 1882-1885 -- England, France and (Austro-Hungary) -- Egypt, (Turkey and Russia) (Era of imperialistic expansion under the wing of the overwhelming British-French-American-Japanese alliance of 1897-1920.) Cyclical wars and Imperialistic wars -- Major Powers allied with British Empire-- Major British opponents No.  5--Spanish-American 1898-1899 -- United States and (England) -- Spain and (Germany) X--Sudan War 1898-1899 -- England -- Sudanese-Egyptian Nationalists X--Boer War 1899-1902 -- England -- Orange Free State and South African Rep X--Partition of Siam 1899-1909 -- England and France -- Siamese Nationalists O--Russian-Japanese 1904-1905 -- Japan (and England) -- Russia (and Germany) X--Morocco Conflict 1904-1906 -- "The Allies" (and Italy) -- Germany and Austro-Hungary X--Persian Conflict 1907-1912 -- England (and France) -- Russia and (Germany) O--Morocco "Affair" 1911 -- England and France -- Germany O--Tripoli War 1911-1912 -- Italian "reward" or "material quid pro quo" -- Turkey O--1st Balkan War 1912-1913 -- Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro -- Turkey O--2nd Balkan War 1913 -- Rumania, Greece and Serbia -- Bulgaria 6--World War I 1914-1918 -- "The Allies" and Italy, Rumania, Greece, Serbia, Montenegro, etc. (Pop. 1,200,000,000) -- Germany, Austro-Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria. (Pop. 120,000,000) (The era of imperialistic expansion, inaugurated by the internationalistic William McKinley, Chauncey M. Depew and Theodore Roosevelt of the party of "The Full Dinner Pail" of 1896, was ended in 1920 when the people of the United States buried the interventionist candidates on the Democratic ticket of that year, James E. Cox and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, under a gigantic landslide.)

(The alliance with the British Empire was resumed with the election of the party of "The More Abundant Life.")

No. O--South American Conflict and World-wide boycott 1934-1939 -- "The Allies" -- Germany 7--World War II 1939-? -- "The Allies" (Pop. 1,100,000,000) -- Germany, Japan, Hungary, Roumania, Bulgaria, Slovakia, Finland, (Italy), (France), and (Spain) with subject areas (Pop. 700,000,000) (World War II appears to be cyclical war No. 1 of a new Grand Cycle) New Cycle No. 2--Russian seizure of Warm Water Ports -- "The Allies", Turkey, etc. -- Russia and new Soviet states The term "conflict" as here used refers to diplomatic intrigue, incitations to internal disorders, and military and naval demonstrations and clashes short of formal war.  Names of countries shown in parenthesis indicate allies that made no formal entry into war, due to limited length of the conflict or due to being opposed by or paired with a major opponent.  The same indication has been used to indicate the present doubtful position of Italy and France.

The predicted clash with Russia, within this decade of the British allies, assisted by Turkey, seems an utterly logical conclusion.  Every Russian diplomatic move and every Russian war for one hundred thirty years has been a part of a campaign, which has cost many millions of lives, to reach Constantinople and the Dardanelles.  The price exacted by Russia for her entry into World War I was Constantinople, the city of the Tsar, the city of the Caesar, the Tsarigrad.  World War II has a very surprising resemblance to almost every aspect of the colossal Napoleonic struggle, and the groundwork is apparently being laid to repeat the bloody 130 year grand cycle here outlined.

China, Russia, the United States and Germany are in order the most populous independent nations in the world, and therefore represent the most dynamic and most dangerous competition of the British Empire.  All of them have been the victims of recurrent British repression.  The Russian and German cycles of repression were listed in the foregoing tabulation.  The Chinese cycle follows:

War and Period -- British Allies -- British Opponent
Opium War, 1840-1843 -- England and France -- Chinese Dynasty
Revolution, 1857-1858 -- England and France -- Chinese Nationalists
Storming of Pekin, 1860 -- England and France -- Chinese Dynasty
Revolution, 1860-1865 -- England and France -- Chinese Nationalists
Yellow War, 1894-1895 -- Japan and (England) -- Chinese Dynasty
Revolution, 1898 -- England-France-Japan -- Chinese Nationalists
Boxer War. 1900-1901 -- All the Great Powers -- Chinese Nationalists
Revolution, 1911 -- England-France-Japan -- Chinese Nationalists
Revolution, 1926-1927 -- England, France, Japan, Portugal, Spain and Holland -- Gen. Chiang Kai-shek
Manchurian Conquest, 1931 -- Japan -- Gen. Chiang Kai-shek

Of the events which led to the British war with the Chinese Nationalists under Chiang Kai-Shek in 1926-1927, T'ang Leang-Li writes in "China in Revolt" published in London in 1927 that the City of Wanhsien of 750,000 population was bombarded on Sunday evening, Sept. 5, 1926, by a British fleet, causing civilian casualties of 2000 and destruction of a great part of the city.  This despite the fact that General Yang Sen had merely detained the British steamer Wanliu to investigate a "river outrage" and negotiations had been in progress a day or two, and despite the fact that bombardment of an unfortified town is forbidden by international law.  The bombardment was made the subject of a message of congratulation to the naval authority by H.M. Government.

T'ang Leang-Li further charges that repeated raids on the Kim Min Tang headquarters in the British Concession at Tientsin, in November and December of the year before, by the British police, resulting in the handing over of numerous Nationalists, including several girl students, for courtmartial to their mortal enemies, who are notoriously savage in their dealings with political opponents, cannot but be interpreted as a desire on the part of the British authorities at Tientsin to assist in a plain and deliberate massacre;  that British agents in China continue to pursue the traditional policy of blackmail and bully.  The British policy of the Iron Hand, far from intimidating the Chinese people, has as its effect the rallying of the Chinese masses to the banner of the anti-Imperialist Chinese National Party. (Page 156.)

T'ang Leang-Li describes in some detail the spider-web of exploitation woven about China by International Finance, and the traditional British policy of promptly attacking and eradicating any Chinese government indicating initiative and growing strength.

Few Americans realize that as late as 1932, Japan was engaged in subduing Manchuria as a British ally, with British support and protection, against the protests of the League of Nations, the United States and China.

Manchuria was awarded to Japan by the British international financial oligarchy for assuming the greater part of the fighting and the expense to overcome the Chinese Nationalist revolution of 1926-1927 under General Chiang Kai-shek against the domination of the British.  It is of interest to note that every war listed as a "Revolution," including the "Boxer" War, was a war against foreign imperialists holding the Chinese Government in bondage, a war against the bankers of the City and against the "foreign devils."

The statesmen of the international financial oligarchy made many deceptive and illusory promises to many peoples and many nations before and during World War I to induce them to fight their aggressors and to defeat them in absolute and total victory, and Mr. Woodrow Wilson promised many more things, and these promises were revoked almost without exception after total victory had been won.  Mr. Wilson's promises of "New Orders" and "New Freedoms" to the subjects of the British Empire were all retracted and resulted in an immense wave of riot and revolution over a period of years following World War I.  The following are some of the most outstanding of these instances of bloodshed:

Egyptian Revolution ................... 1919 - 1921
Anglo-Irish War............. Jan., 1919 - May, 1921
Ulster War ................ July, 1920 - June, 1922
Massacre of Amritsar................ April 13, 1921
Indian Revolution ..................... 1921 - 1922
Egyptian Revolution ................... 1924 - 1925

In an editorial "A Dwarf Between Giants" in the Chicago Tribune of Sunday February 6, 1944, appears a statement, that the British Foreign office has generally run America's foreign affairs for fifty years, and that for the past eleven years the British have had no difficulty in guiding our policy.  That this is true is apparent from the following chapters herein in which is given a detailed description of the means, the men, and the methods by which this was accomplished.

1 A message was transmitted for the French Emperor on July 5, 1870, by Baron Rothschild of Paris to Baron Lionel Nathan Rothschild of London.  The message was deciphered by Nathaniel Maier Rothschild, still head of the House of Rothschild at the beginning of World War I, and by him delivered to Mr. Gladstone early on the morning of July 6th.  The message was to inform Mr. G, that the council of ministers at Madrid had decided to propose Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern for the Spanish throne, that his candidature would be intolerable to France, that the Emperor hoped Mr. Gladstone would endeavor to secure its withdrawal.
    Mr. Gladstone stated his reluctance to interfere with the liberty of the Spanish people to choose their own sovereign, He was nevertheless later confronted with a dispatch to the King of Prussia drafted by Lord Granville and asked to sign the same.  Again Mr. Gladstone was reluctant, but after several days of hesitation, he added to Lord Granville's draft an appeal to the magnanimity of the King, begged him to consider the danger to the peace of Europe, enjoined him further to say nothing to give ground for the supposition that England had any business to discuss the abstract right of Spain to choose her own sovereign. (Morley's Life of G., Book VI, Ch. IV.)
    Gladstone's appeal was supported by an energetic representation to Berlin by Austria, seat of the third Rothschild dynasty, and the King of Prussia immediately ordered the candidacy of Prince Leopold withdrawn.  Having inveigled Mr. Gladstone into a definite position, the tone of France suddenly became harsh and menacing.  Evidently mistaking the quick compliance of King William I as a sign of weakness and fear of an apparently united Austrian, British and French coalition, they demanded two days later, on July 14th, that the Prussian King make a personal pledge that he would never again sanction any similar political move.  This was an ultimatum of Unparalleled effrontery demanding in effect that Prussia in utter humiliation acknowledge herself a vassal of France, with no further voice in the council of Nations.  The King politely declined the French demand and France declared war the next day.  Each and every war of modern times has been preceded by an interchange in similar terms of arrogance and contempt by the statesmen allied with International Finance;  with a disdainful refusal of any basis of settlement making any reasonable concession.
    Gladstone was horrified;  and this great opponent of Toryism and its wars stated that the diplomacy on the side of the Government of France anterior to the war, made up a chapter which for fault and folly taken altogether is almost without a parallel in the history of nations.  With one stroke France united the quarreling and jealous small German kingdoms and principalities of central Europe into a great empire and threw itself under the grinding wheels of Bismarck, to be utterly demolished in six months time.  The French calculations proved entirely wrong.  The illusion of International Finance that Russia had been immobilized for 100 years by the Crimean War of only 14 years before quickly vanished, with a vindictive Russia holding Austria at bay and repudiating her terms of surrender in that war.  The German victory was too sudden to permit the financiers of the City and the Conservatives to unseat the anti-imperialistic Liberal, Gladstone;  and to intervene.

2 Of the opium War of 1840 Mr. William E. Gladstone said:  "I am not competent to judge how long this war may last ... but that I can say, that a war more unjust in its origin, a war more calculated in its progress to cover this country with disgrace, I do not know and I have not read of ."

3 The 1943 edition of the Encyclopedia Americana (Vol. 13) makes this stunningly significant statement of the Bank of England, that full partner of the American Administration in the conduct of the financial affairs of all the world:  "... Its weakness is the weakness inherent in a system which has developed with the smallest amount of legislative control ... its capital is held privately, and its management is not in any way directly or indirectly controlled by the state.  On the other hand, during its whole history, it has been more or less under the protection of the state;  its development has been marked by successive loans of its capital to the state in return for the confirmation or extension of its privileges, and it still continues to exercise powers and owe responsibilities delegated by the state ... The bank of England is controlled by a governor, deputy-governor and a court of 24 directors who are elected by the proprietors on the nomination of the directors ..." (This is a description of a privately owned structure of government, sovereign in its own right, and over and above the laws of England.  A status admittedly attained by bribing dishonest official, of the Government of the British Isles through the years to gradually extinguish the freedom and rights of the people.)
    That the nature of this strange bank is actually that of a secret holding company of colossal size is indicated by a reference in "England's Money Lords Tory M.P.", by Simon Haxey, to (page 158) Lancashire Steel Corporation, subsidiary of the Bank of England.

4 The wide latitude of action of the agents and servants of the CROWN and their remarkable immunity from the interference of English Courts and of English law appears in the "Laws of England" of Lord Halsbury as apparent from a few selected passages as follows: Vol. 6, page 388, art. 582-- ... Nor can the Crown, by proclamation or otherwise, make or unmake any law on its own authority apart from Parliament, except in colonies to which representative institutions have not been granted. (This excepts only England, Canada, Australia, Union of South Africa and New Zealand, who between them have only 13%--almost the total white population of 68,000,000 of the Empire--of the people of the British Empire, from the utterly absolute and autocratic rule of the Crown, THE Bank and THE City.)
    Vol. 23, page 307, par. 641 -- If under a treaty with a foreign state, a government has received funds for the benefit of a private person or class of persons, although a moral obligation may thereby be imposed upon the government to pay the funds so received to such persons, no action or petition of right, will be at their suit to recover the fund, and the intended ultimate beneficiaries cannot compel the government to carry out the obligation.
    Par. 642 -- An executive or administrative act of a subject, though in the first instance done without the authority of his Sovereign, will have all the effect of an Act of State if subsequently ratified. (This provides the facilities to make the law afterwards to fit the case, as developed by Prof. Edwin J. Clapp in "Economic Aspects of the War" published 1915 as having been the procedure in the matter of the American ship Wilhelmina e matter of the American ship Wilhelmina.)
    Par. 643 -- The Sovereign can do no wrong, and no legal proceedings can be brought against him ...
    Par. 648 -- As regards Ireland, all of the official acts of the Lord Lieutenant are Acts of State apparently even if ultra vires (transcending authority conferred by law).
    Par. 650 -- The official acts of every state or potentate whose independence has been recognized by the Crown, and of their authorized agents, are Acts of State.  No action can be brought in respect of such acts, even where the agent is a British subject, and where, in carrying out the Act of State, he is committing an offense against English law ...
    This gives a fair outline of the adroit and dexterous machinery of government which is able to adjust itself to any situation and clothe it with a veil of justice and right, and which provides the tool to make the 435,000,000 colored people of the British Empire its utterly voiceless subjects;  and which in addition has had virtually complete control of the government and commerce of China for over one hundred years, and of other apparently independent countries;  so that it can reasonably be stated that over half of all the people of the world have been its subjects up to recent times.  Of this government the late President Jordan of Stanford University said:  "Everything runs as though newly oiled, and the British public hears nothing of it."

5 Prof. Usher stated in "Pan-Germanism" of 1913, Chapter X, pages 139 and 140; that an understanding was reached, probably before the summer of 1897, that in case of war the United States would promptly declare in favor of England and France and would do her utmost to assist them;  and that there seems to be no doubt whatever that no papers of any sort were signed.  He quotes further:  "The alliance, for it was nothing less, was based upon infinitely firmer ground than written words and sheets of parchment ..."

6 In "Barriers Down" published in 1942, Kent Cooper, General Manager of the Associated Press, discloses a 20 year battle fought since the end of World War I for the right to give the American people the truth about the news of Europe and the world, and he gives it as his opinion that the control of (page 7) "the greatest and the most powerful international monopoly of the 19th Century" in developing international attitudes and prejudices has been an undisclosed cause of wars for the past 100 years; that (page 264) the mischief planted during the fifteen years following World War I. had become too great for the new relationship of the Associated Press to overcome.
    He develops (page 106) that the determination of France and England to keep Germany encircled by small allied nations, was supported by Reuters and Havas with their own "cordon sanitaire."  Havas, the allied French agency, is a subsidiary of the French Government;  and an impressive array of practical and historical fact would indicate that most French governments of the past 100 years have been subsidiaries of the French House of Rothschild in practice if not in theory.
    Mr. Cooper states (page 21) that the account is that international bankers under the lead of the House of Rothschild had acquired an interest in the three leading European agencies (Reuter, Wolff and Havas).  Reuters, whose headquarters were in Old Jewry, near the Bank of England, in the City, was the chief of the three.  It was the staggering presumption of this firm that the news of the world was its own private property, to be withheld, to be discolored to its own purposes, or to be sold to whom and where they directed.  Rengo of Japan was obliged to pay a territorial "Franchise" fee, plus a service fee for news furnished.  When Rengo attempted to buy news from the Associated Press;  Reuters assessed a "service" fee on the Associated Press for the "right" to sell news to Rengo.